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Henry Middleton was born in South
Carolina in 1717 and died in Charleston, on June 13,
1784. In 1745 he was elected to the commons of South
Carolina, and was speaker of that body from 1745 -1747.
He also served as a representative of St. George's in
1754 -1755. In 1755 he was commissioner of Native
American affairs and was elected to the South Carolina
Colonial Council. Middleton gained his notoriety during
the 1760 - 61 War with the Cherokees where he was found
to be steady under pressure and courageous. He served on
the council until 1770, when he resigned to focus on
business. In 1774 he was elected a delegate to
the Continental Congress empowered by these resolutions:
“RESOLUTIONS unanimously entered into by the
Inhabitants of SOUTH CAROLINA, at a General Meeting,
held at Charles Towns, in the said colony, on Wednesday,
Thursday and Friday, the 6th, 7th and 8th days of July,
1774.
RESOLVED,
THAT his Majestysubjects in North America owe the same
allegiance to
the Crown of Great Britain that is due from his
subjects born in Great Britain. Resolved, That his
Majestysubjects in America are intitled to all the
inherent rights and liberties of his natural born
subjects within the kingdom of Great Britain.
Resolved, That it is repugnant to the rights of the
people, that any taxes should be imposed on them, unless
with their own consent, given personally, or by their
Representatives.
Resolved, That it is a fundamental right which his
Majestyliege subjects are intitled unto, that no man
should suffer in his person or property without a fair
trial, and judgment given by his Peers, or by the Law of
the Land.
Resolved, That all trials of treason, misprision of
treason, or for any felony or crime whatever, committed
and done in this his MajestyColony, by any person or
persons residing therein, ought of right to be had and
conducted in and before his Majestycourts held within
the said Colony, according to the fixed and known course
of proceeding, and that the seizing any person or
persons residing in this Colony, suspected of any crime
whatever committed therein, and sending such person or
persons to places beyond the sea to be tried, is
oppressive and illegal, and highly derogatory to the
rights of British subjects; as thereby the inestimable
privilege of being tried by a jury from the vicinage, as
well as the benefit of summoning and procuring
witnesses on such trial, will be taken away from the
party accused.
Resolved, That the statute made in the 35th year of
Henry VIII. chap. 2, intituled, "An Act for the trial of
treasons committed out of the Kingdominions,"does not
extend, and cannot, but by an arbitrary and cruel
construction, be construed to extend to treasons,
misprisions of treasons, or concealment of treasons,
committed in any of his MajestyAmerican Colonies, where
there is sufficient provision, by the law of the land,
for the impartial trial of all such persons as are
charged with, and for the due punishment of, those
offences.
Resolved, That the late act for shutting up the Port
of Boston, and the two bills relative to Boston, which,
by the last accounts from Great Britain, had been
brought into parliament, there read, and committed, are
of the most alarming nature to all his majestysubjects
in American - are calculated to deprive many thousand
Americans of their rights, properties and privileges, in
a most cruel, oppressive and unconstitutional manner -
are most dangerous precedents, and, though levelled
immediately at the people of Boston, very manifestly and
glaringly shew, if the inhabitants of that town are
intimidated into a mean submission to said acts, that
the like are designed for all the Colonies; when not
even the shadow of liberty to his person, or of security
to his property, will be left to any of his subjects
residing on the American continent.
Resolving therefore, That not only the dictates of
humanity, but the soundest principles of true policy
and self preservation, makes it absolutely necessary for
the inhabitants of all the Colonies in America to
assist and support the people of Boston, by all lawful
ways in their power; and especially, to leave no
justifiable means untried to procure a repeal of those
acts immediately relative to them, and also of all
others affecting the constitutional rights and
liberties of America in general, as the best means to
effect this most desirable end.
Resolved,
That Henry Middleton , John Rutledge, Christopher
Gadsden, Thomas Lynch, and Edward Rutledge, Esquires, be
and they are hereby nominated and appointed Deputies, on
the part and behalf of this Colony, to meet the Deputies
of the several Colonies of North America, in general
Congress, the first Monday in September next, at
Philadelphia, or at any other time or place that may be
generally agreed on; there to consider the act lately
passed, and bills depending in Parliament, with regard
to the port of Boston, and province of Massachusetts
Bay, which act and bills, in the precedent and
consequences, affect the whole continent - also the
grievances under which America labours by reason of the
several acts of Parliament, that impose taxes or duties
for raising a revenue, and lay unnecessary restraints
and burthens on trade-and of the statutes, parliamentary
acts, and Royal instructions, which make an invidious
distinction between his Majesty subjects in Great
Britain and in America - with full power and authority,
in behalf of us and our constituents, to concert, agree
to, and effectually prosecute such legal measures (by
which we, for ourselves and them, most solemnly engage
to abide) as in the opinion of the said Deputies, and of
the Deputies so to be assembled, shall be most likely to
obtain a repeal of the said acts, and a redress of those
grievances.
Resolved,
That we will agree to pay the expence of such gentlemen,
as may be fixedupon to be sent upon this business.
Resolved, That while the oppressive acts relative to
Boston are enforced, we will chearfully, from time to
time, contribute towards the relief of such poor persons
there, whose unfortunate circumstances, occasioned by
the operation of those acts, may be thought to stand in
need of most assistance.”
Henry Middleton was chosen the leader of the South
Carolina delegation being the most conservative
delegate and vociferously loyal to the King. For that
reason, among others, he was elected President of the
Continental Congress on October 1774 when Peyton
Randolph was forced to return to Virginia to take his
seat as Speaker of the Virigina House of Burgess. The
Journals report:
1774 - October 22 Agrees to reconvene on May 10, 1775,
"unless the redress of grievances, which we have
desired, be obtained before that time." Elects Henry
Middleton President. October 26 Approves an address to
the king and a letter to Quebec. Congress dissolves
itself.
Although Middleton's tenure as President was only four
days and Peyton Randolph was reelected in 1775, the
following Petition of Congress to King George III,
drafted by John Jay of New York, passed during his
Presidency and was unanimously approved and sent to
Great Britain:
“To the Kings most excellent majesty, Most gracious
Sovereign
We your majestys faithful subjects of the colonies of
Newhampshire, Massachusetts-bay, Rhode-island and
Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New-York,
New-Jersey,Pennsylvania, the counties of New-Castle Kent
and Sussex on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia,
North-Carolina, and South Carolina, in behalf of
ourselves and the inhabitants of these colonies who have
deputed us to represent them in General Congress, by
this our humble petition, beg leave to lay our
grievances before the throne. A standing army has been
kept in these colonies, ever since the conclusion of the
late war, without the consent of our assemblies; and
this army with a considerable naval armament has been
employed to enforce he collection of taxes. The
Authority of the commander in chief, and, under him, of
the brigadiers general has in time of peace, been
rendered supreme in all the civil governments in
America.
The commander in chief of all your majesty's forces
in North-America has, in time of peace, been appointed
governor of a colony. The charges of usual offices have
been greatly increased; and, new, expensive and
oppressive offices have been multiplied.
The judges of admiralty and vice-admiralty courts are
empowered to receive their
salaries and fees from the effects condemned by
themselves. The officers of the
customs are empowered to break open and enter houses
without the authority of any civil magistrate founded on
legal information.
The judges of courts of common law have been made
entirely dependant on one part of the legislature for
their salaries, as well as for the duration of their
commissions.
Councellors holding their commissions, during
pleasure, exercise legislative authority. Humble and
reasonable petitions from the representatives of the
people have been fruitless.
The agents of the people have been discountenanced
and governors have been
instructed to prevent the payment of their salaries.
Assemblies have been repeatedly and injuriously
dissolved.
Commerce has been burthened with many useless and
oppressive restrictions.
By several acts of parliament made in the fourth, fifth,
sixth, seventh, and eighth years of your majesty's
reign, duties are imposed on us, for the purpose of
raising a revenue, and the powers of admiralty and
vice-admiralty courts are extended beyond their ancient
limits, whereby our property is taken from us without
our consent, the trial by jury in many civil cases is
abolished, enormous forfeitures are incurred for slight
offences, vexatious informers are exempted from paying
damages, to which they are justly liable, and oppressive
security is required from owners before they are allowed
to defend their right.
Both houses of parliament have resolved that
colonists may be tried in England, for offences alleged
to have been committed in America, by virtue of a
statute passed in the thirty fifth year of Henry the
eighth; and in consequence thereof, attempts have been
made to enforce that statute. A statute was passed in
the twelfth year of your majesty's reign, directing,
that persons charged with committing any offence therein
described, in any place out of the realm, may be
indicted and tried for the same, in any shire or county
within the realm, whereby inhabitants of these colonies
may, in sundry cases by that statute made capital, be
deprived of a trial by their peers of the vicinage.
In the last sessions of parliament, an act was passed
for blocking up the harbor of Boston; another,
empowering the governor of the Massachusetts-bay to send
persons indicted for murder in that province to another
colony or even to Great Britain for trial whereby such
offenders may escape legal punishment; a third, for
altering the chartered constitution of government in
that province; and a fourth for extending the limits of
Quebec, abolishing the English and restoring the French
laws, whereby great numbers of British freemen are
subjected to the latter, and establishing an absolute
government and the Roman Catholic religion throughout
those vast regions, that border on the westerly and
northerly boundaries of the free protestant English
settlements; and a fifth for the better providing
suitable quarters for officers and soldiers in his
majesty's service in North America.
To a sovereign, who "glories in the name of Briton"
the bare recital of these acts must we presume, justify
the loyal subjects, who fly to the foot of his throne
and implore his clemency for protection against them.
From this destructive system of colony administration
adopted since the conclusion of the last war, have
flowed those distresses, dangers, fears and jealousies,
that overwhelm your majesty's dutiful colonists with
affliction; and we defy our most subtle and inveterate
enemies, to trace the unhappy differences between
Great-Britain and these colonies, from an earlier period
or from other causes than we have assigned. Had they
proceeded on our part from a restless levity of temper,
unjust impulses of ambition, or artful suggestions of
seditious persons, we should merit the opprobrious terms
frequently bestowed upon us, by those we revere. But so
far from promoting innovations, we have only opposed
them; and can be charged with no offence, unless it be
one, to receive injuries and be sensible of them.
Had our creator been pleased to give us existence in
a land of slavery, the sense of our condition might have
been mitigated by ignorance and habit. But thanks be to
his adorable goodness, we were born the heirs of
freedom, and ever enjoyed our right under the auspices
of your royal ancestors, whose family was seated on the
British throne, to rescue and secure a pious and gallant
nation from the popery and despotism of a superstitious
and inexorable tyrant. Your majesty, we are confident,
justly rejoices, that your title to the crown is thus
founded on the title of your people to liberty; and
therefore we doubt not, but your royal wisdom must
approve the sensibility, that teaches your subjects
anxiously to guard the blessings, they received from
divine providence, and thereby to prove the performance
of that compact, which elevated the illustrious house of
Brunswick to the imperial dignity it now possesses.
The apprehension of being degraded into a state of
servitude from the pre-eminent rank of English freemen,
while our minds retain the strongest love of liberty,
and clearly foresee the miseries preparing for us and
our posterity, excites emotions in our breasts, which
though we cannot describe, we should not wish to
conceal. Feeling as men, and thinking as subjects, in
the manner we do, silence would be disloyalty. By giving
this faithful information, we do all in our power, to
promote the great objects of your royal cares, the
tranquility of your government, and the welfare of your
people.
Duty to your majesty and regard for the preservation
of ourselves and our posterity, the primary obligations
of nature and society command us to entreat your royal
attention; and as your majesty enjoys the signal
distinction of reigning over freemen, we apprehend the
language of freemen can not be displeasing. Your royal
indignation, we hope, will rather fall on those
designing and dangerous men, who daringly interposing
themselves between your royal person and your faithful
subjects, and for several years past incessantly
employed to dissolve the bonds of society, by abusing
your majesty's authority, misrepresenting your American
subjects and prosecuting the most desperate and
irritating projects of oppression, have at length
compelled us, by the force of accumulated injuries too
severe to be any longer tolerable, to disturb your
majesty's repose by our complaints.
These sentiments are extorted from hearts, that much
more willingly would bleed in your majesty's service.
Yet so greatly have we been misrepresented, that a
necessity has been alleged of taking our property from
us without our consent "to defray the charge of the
administration of justice, the support of civil
government, and the defense protection and security of
the colonies." But we beg leave to assure your majesty,
that such provision has been and will be made for
defraying the two first articles, as has been and shall
be judged, by the legislatures of the several colonies,
just and suitable to their respective circumstances: And
for the defense protection and security of the colonies,
their militias, if properly regulated, as they earnestly
desire may immediately be done, would be fully
sufficient, at least in times of peace; and in case of
war, your faithful colonists will be ready and willing,
as they ever have been when constitutionally required,
to demonstrate their loyalty to your majesty, by
exerting their most strenuous efforts in granting
supplies and raising forces. Yielding to no British
subjects, in affectionate attachment to your majesty's
person, family and government, we too dearly prize the
privilege of expressing that attachment by those proofs,
that are honorable to the prince who receives them, and
to the people who give them, ever to resign it to any
body of men upon earth.
Had we been permitted to enjoy in quiet the
inheritance left us by our forefathers, we should at
this time have been peaceably, cheerfully and usefully
employed in recommending ourselves by every testimony
of devotion to your majesty, and of veneration to the
state, from which we derive our origin. But though now
exposed to unexpected and unnatural scenes of distress
by a contention with that nation, in whose parental
guidance on all important affairs we have hitherto with
filial reverence constantly trusted, and therefore can
derive no instruction in our present unhappy and
perplexing circumstances from any former experience,
yet we doubt not, the purity of our intention and the
integrity of our conduct will justify us at that grand
tribunal, before which all mankind must submit to
judgment.
We ask but for peace, liberty, and safety. We wish
not a diminution of the prerogative, nor do we solicit
the grant of any new right in our favor. Your royal
authority over us and our connexion with Great-Britain,
we shall always carefully and zealously endeavor to
support and maintain.
Filled with sentiments of duty to your majesty, and
of affection to our parent state, deeply impressed by
our education and strongly confirmed by our reason, and
anxious to evince the sincerity of these dispositions,
we present this petition only to obtain redress of
grievances and relief from fears and jealousies
occasioned by the system of statutes and regulations
adopted since the close of the late war, for raising a
revenue in America--extending the powers of courts of
admiralty and vice-admiralty--trying persons in Great
Britain for offences alleged to be committed in
America--affecting the province of Massachusetts-bay,
and altering the government and extending the limits of
Quebec; by the abolition of which system, the harmony
between Great-Britain and these colonies so necessary to
the happiness of both and so ardently desired by the
latter, and the usual intercourses will be immediately
restored. In the magnanimity and justice of your majesty
and parliament we confide, for a redress of our other
grievances, trusting, that when the causes of our
apprehensions are removed, our future conduct will prove
us not unworthy of the regard, we have been accustomed,
in our happier days, to enjoy. For appealing to that
being who searches thoroughly the hearts of his
creatures, we solemnly profess, that our councils have
been influenced by no other motive, than a dread of
impending destruction.
Permit us then, most gracious sovereign, in the name
of all your faithful people in America, with the utmost
humility to implore you, for the honor of Almighty God,
whose pure religion our enemies are undermining; for
your glory, which can be advanced only by rendering your
subjects happy and keeping them united; for the
interests of your family depending on an adherence to
the principles that enthroned it; for the safety and
welfare of your kingdoms and dominions threatened with
almost unavoidable dangers and distresses; that your
majesty, as the loving father of your whole people,
connected by the same bands of law, loyalty, faith and
blood, though dwelling in various countries, will not
suffer the transcendent relation formed by these ties to
be farther violated, in uncertain expectation of
effects, that, if attained, never can compensate for the
calamities, through which they must be gained.
We therefore most earnestly beseech your majesty,
that your royal authority and interposition may be used
for our relief; and that a gracious answer may be given
to this petition. That your majesty may enjoy every
felicity through a long and glorious reign over loyal
and happy subjects and that your descendants may inherit
your prosperity and dominions 'til time shall be no
more, is and always will be our sincere and fervent
prayer.
SIGNED: Henry Middleton, Jno Sullivan, Nathl Folsom,
Thomas Cushing, Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robt. Treat
Paine, tep Hopkins, Sam: Ward, Elipht Dyer, Roger
Sherman, Silas Deane, Phil. Livingston, John Alsop,
Isaac Low, Jas. Duane, John Jay, Wm. Floyd, Henry
Wisner, S: Boerum, Wil: Livingston, John De Hart, Stepn.
Crane, Richd. Smith, E Biddle, J: Galloway, John
Dickinson, John Morton, Thomas Mifflin, George Ross,
Chas Humphreys, Cæsar Rodney, Thos M: Kean, Geo: Read,
Mat. Tilghman , Ths. Johnson Junr, Wm. Paca, Samuel
Chase, Richard Henry Lee, Patrick Henry, Go. Washington,
Edmund Pendleton, Richd. Bland, Benjn Harrison, Will
Hooper, Joseph Hewes, Rd. Caswell, Tho Lynch, Christ
Gadsden, J. Rutledge, Edward Rutledge.
Agents to whom the Address to King is to be sent for
New Hampshire, Paul Wentworth Esqr. Massachusetts
Bay,William Bollan Esqr, Doctr. Benj: Franklin Doctr.
Arthur Lee, Rhode Island, none Connecticut, Thomas Life,
Esqr. New Jersey, Doctr Benj. Franklin, Pensylvania,
Doctr Benj. Franklin, New York, Edmund Burke, Delaware,
Maryland, Virginia, N. Carolina, none, South Carolina,
Charles Garth, Esqr.”
After
serving this brief time as President, Middleton, a
loyalist, became a prime target of the Crown after
Congress disbanded. The American Archives publishes the
following letter “FROM LONDON TO A GENTLEMAN OF
NEW-YORK, DATED JANUARY 30, 1775” reporting a Commission
sent to General Gage, to try and execute certain persons
in the Colonies. The letter reads:
From
unquestionable authority I learn, that about a fortnight
ago, despatches were sent from hence by a Sloop-of-War
to General Gage, containing among other things, a Royal
Proclamation, declaring the inhabitants of Massachusetts
Bay, and some others in the different Colonies, actual
Rebels; with a blank Commission to try and execute such
of them as he can get hold of;—with this is sent a list
of names, to be inserted in the Commission as he may
judge expedient. I do not know them all, but Messrs.
Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat Paine, and John
Hancock, of Massachusetts Bay, John Dickinson of
Philadelphia, Peyton Randolph of Virginia, and Henry
Middleton of South Carolina, are particularly named,
with many others. This black list, the General will no
doubt keep to himself, and unfold it gradually, as he
finds it convenient. Four Regiments from Ireland, one of
them Light Dragoons, are under sailing orders for
Boston, with several capital Ships-of-War from hence,
and six Cutters, to obstruct the American trade, and
prevent all European Goods from going there,
particularly Arms and Ammunition, which makes it
expedient without a moment's delay, to be provided with
such things as you may want.
Last
Friday night, the 27th instant, in a Privy Council, the
American measures were all settled by the Ministry, part
of them is to pass an Act of Parliament, inflicting
pains and penalties on particular persons and Provinces
in America, to countenance the infamous Proclamation and
Commission already sent to General Gage; also it is
determined to take away the Charters of Rhode-Island and
Connecticut. I have not been able to learn the whole;
though in general 1 am informed it is denouncing utter
destruction to American Liberty. Depend upon all this to
be fact.
In 1775 Middleton was elected President of the
Provincial Congress of South Carolina and received the
public thanks of that body, which was considered a high
honor. In that same year Middleton was reelected by the
Provincial Congress of South Carolina as delegate to the
Continental Congress. Middleton, now considered a
traitor by the King was appointed member of the council
of safety, and by his position, wealth, and powerful
family connection did much to turn the balance in
Carolina in favor of the Congress’s direction towards
colonial self-government.
In 1776 Henry Middleton returned to Congress and on
February 11th was elected to a committee to
form a new government. The journals report:
In Congress, Sunday, February 11, 1776, P. M. The
Congress met. The Congress then proceeded to ballot for
the Members of the Committee to prepare a plan or form
of Government. And the following gentlemen were, by Mr.
President, declared duly elected by a majority of votes,
viz:
Major Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, John Rutledge,
Esq., Colonel Charles Pinckney, Colonel Henry Laurens,
Colonel Christopher Gadsden, Hon. Rawlins Lowndes,
Arthur Middleton, Esq., Hon. Henry Middleton, Thomas
Bee, Esq., Thomas Lynch, Jun., Esq., Thomas Heyward,
Jun., Esq.
In Congress,
On Thursday, February 8, 1776 the following resolution
was passed by the South Carolina Congress to honor the
exceptional leadership and good work of Henry Middleton
and John Rutledge.
Resolved, That Mr. President do signify the approbation
of this Congress, and present their thanks to the
Honourable Henry Middleton and John Rutledge, Esquires,
now present in Congress, and to the other Delegates of
this Colony at Philadelphia, for their important
services in the American Congress.
Upon its passage
President of the South Carolina Congress rose and
addressed Mr. Middleton and Mr. Rutledge,
GENTLEMEN:
When the hand of tyranny, armed in hostile manner, was
extended from Great Britain to spoil America of whatever
she held most valuable, it was, for the most important
purposes, that the good people of this Colony delegated
you to represent them in the Continental Congress at
Philadelphia. It became your business to ascertain the
rights of America —to point out her violated franchises,
to make humble representation to the King for redress;
and, he being deaf to the cries of his American
subjects—to appeal to the King of Kings, for the
recovery of the rights of an infant people, by the
majesty of Heaven formed for future empire.
In this most
important business, you engaged, as became good
citizens; and, step by step, you deliberately advanced
through it, with a regret and sorrow, and with a
resolution and conduct, that bear all the characters of
ancient magnanimity. Your constituents, with a steady
eye, beheld your progress. They saw the American claim
of rights, the Association for the recovery of American
franchises, and the humble Petition to the King for
redress of grievances. They saw the American appeal to
the King of Kings, and a second humble Petition to the
British Monarch—alas! as unavailing as the first. They
have also seen the establishment of an American naval
force — a Treasury — a General Post-Office — and the
laying on a Continental embargo. In short, they have
seen permission granted to Colonies to erect forms of
Government, independent of, and in opposition to, the
regal authority.
Your country saw
all these proceedings, the work of a body of which you
were, and are members; proceedings arising from dire
necessity, and not from choice; proceedings that are the
natural consequences of the present inauspicious reign;
proceedings just in themselves; and which,
notwithstanding the late declarations of the corrupt
Houses of Parliament, the Proclamation at the Court of
St. James's, on the 23d of August, and the subsequent
Royal Speech in Parliament, are exactly as far distant
from treason and rebellion as stands the glorious
Revolution which deprived a tyrant of his Kingdoms, and
elevated the House of Brunswick to royalty.
Worthy
Delegates! It is the judgment of your country that your
conduct, of which I have just marked the grand lines, in
the American Congress, is justifiable before God and
man; and that, whatever may be the issue of this
unlooked-for defensive civil war, in which,
unfortunately, though gloriously, we are engaged—whether
independence or slavery—all the blood, and all the
guilt, must be imputed to British, not to American
counsels. Hence your constituents, sensible of the
propriety of your conduct, and of the benefits which,
with the blessing of the Almighty, it is calculated to
shed upon America, have constituted me their instrument,
as well to signify to you their approbation, as to
present to you their thanks; and it is in the discharge
of these duties that I now have the honour to address
you.
In an important
crisis like the present, to receive the publick thanks
of a free People, is to receive the most honourable
recompense for past services; and to deserve such
thanks, is to be truly great. I know that it is with
pain such men hear their commendations. Gentlemen, with
the publick recompense, I mean to pay in to you my mite
also; and lest I wound your delicacy, when I mean only
to do justice to your merit, I forbear to particularize
what is already well known. I therefore confine myself;
and I do most respectfully, in the name of the Congress,
present to you, and to each of you, the thanks of your
country, for your important services in the American
Congress, at Philadelphia.
Henry Middleton was prevented by ill health from serving
further in Congress. The American Archives reports:
The Honourable
Henry Middleton arose, declared his sensibility of, and
thankfulness for, the honour that had been conferred
upon him, in his appointment as a Delegate from this
Colony to the Continental Congress; and that no man had
better wishes, or would go greater lengths to serve his
country, than himself; but that, as the infirmities of
age which were creeping on, deprived him of the ability
of rendering so much service to the publick as in his
earlier days he might have done; so he requested that
the Congress would not again appoint him as a Delegate
to the Continental Congress, in the choice now to be
made.
Congress accepted his resignation and the new role of
Delegates for South Carolina were approved with this
resolution:
Resolved, That
Thomas Lynch, John Rutledge, Edward Rutledge, Arthur
Middleton, and Thomas Heyward, Jun., Esqs., be, and they
are hereby appointed, and fully authorized, to represent
this Colony in the Continental Congress for one year
next ensuing.
Arthur Middleton, Henry’s son, would go on to attend the
entire 1776 session of the Continental Congress in place
of his Father. He would vote for Independence on July
2, 1776 and sign the Declaration of Independence on
August 2, 1776.
Henry Middleton's health rebounded and he was elected to
the South Carolina legislative council with this
resolution:
The Members proceeded to ballot for a Legislative
Council. And the ballots being cast up, Mr. Chairman
reported, that Charles Pinckney, Henry Middleton,
Richard Richardson, Rawlins Lowndes, Le Roy Hammond,
Henry Lau-rens, David Oliphant, Thomas Ferguson, Stephen
Bull, George Gabriel Powell, Thomas Bee, Joseph Kershaw,
and Thomas Shubrick, Esquires, were duly chosen Members
of the Legislative Council.
In this council, he was, at best, a reluctant supporter
of Independence throughout his 1776-1777 tenure. In 1778
he was elected to the South Carolina State Senate and
served to 1780. On May 12, 1780 the British General
Charles Cornwallis captured Charleston and went on to
control most of Georgia and the Carolinas. State Senator
Henry Middleton surprised his peers in other states when
he pledged his allegiance to the crown urging his fellow
countrymen to do the same. This came as a great blow to
then Continental Congress President Samuel Huntington.
The President was desperately trying to persuade
Maryland, the lone holdout for ratification, to approve
the Articles of Confederation, The country was in dire
need of a ratified U.S. Constitution that would form the
Perpetual Union of the United States putting the fading
allies on notice they were aiding a untied nation.
Henry
Middleton, was forgiven by his fellow founders as his
call to support England was half-hearted in 1780 and
not followed by any action against his fellow
countrymen. After the war Middleton, unlike many of the
other Presidents, prospered in South Carolina as large
and successful planter, owning about 50,000 acres and
700 slaves. He spent his final years on improving the
agriculture and commerce of the new state.
Henry twice
remarried, but his five sons and seven daughters were
all children borne of his first wife, who died in 1761.
The former President lived until 1784 and is entombed at
Middleton Gardens on Ashley River Road in Charleston
County, South Carolina
SOURCE:
http://www.henrymiddleton.com/
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